March 29th Con-Con Vote: A Short Debriefing

The Monday, March 29th action of the legislature was heartrending.  Legislators approved a constitutional amendment that defines marriage as the union between one man and one woman, but added a civil union mandate that would guarantee same-sex couples everything that spouses get but not a marriage license.   

What happened to the idea of splitting the question into two amendments, one dealing with marriage, the other with civil unions?  On a critical vote Monday, 111 legislators voted in such a way as to preclude any attempt to split, when a difference of 12 votes would have altered the outcome and opened up the possibility for a split.  (For those interested in the math, that particular vote required a majority of those 197 legislators then present, which is 99).

Of those legislators in the majority, the following 21, based on various factors, were key potential swing votes who refused appeals to vote in such a way as to allow for a subsequent vote on splitting:  Senators Hart, Pacheco, and Tarr, and Representatives Atsalis, Binienda, Buoniconti, Callahan,, Canavan, Candaras, Casey, Coughlin, DeLeo, Finneran, Gobi, Howland, LeDuc, Mariano, Naughton, Verga, Wagner, and Walrath.

On the final vote of the day to approve the dual amendment, 105 legislators voted yes while 92 legislators voted no.  This was the most gut-wrenching vote for legislators who opposed all along the move to tie a same-sex civil union mandate to a marriage definition.   If the no votes would have achieved a majority, then the joint session would have failed to produce any amendment, and would have given same-sex marriage supporters a total victory. 

Gerry D’Avolio, the executive director of the Massachusetts Catholic Conference, said that when he saw at the end of the debate the bank of media cameras and microphones being set up outside the chambers for same-sex marriage supporters, he envisioned them coming out with huge smiles on their faces, and telling the press that the Goodridge decision on gay marriage was totally vindicated and the Catholic Church, among other strong opponents, totally vanquished.   Inside the chambers, legislators advocating for same-sex marriage, anticipating that total victory, got up one after another to lecture their colleagues about mean-spiritedness and bigotry.

In the end, our strong allies were counted among both sides of the final vote.  Some could not stomach supporting the so-called compromise amendment that forces an impossible choice on the general public.  Others could not stomach the thought of the other side declaring total victory, and opted to vote yes on a terrible amendment that nonetheless would nullify the issuance of marriage licenses to same-sex couples.  Total victory was denied the other side but that’s all that can be said that’s positive about the outcome from our perspective, which isn’t much.

The battle now moves to the executive branch, which at the time of this writing, is pitting Governor Mitt Romney against Attorney General Tom Reilly.  Postcard campaigns to support the Governor’s bid to ask for a delay in implementing the Goodridge ruling, and to urge the Attorney General to represent the Governor and the people in their bid to appeal to the court, are positive and should be pursued. 

More will be written in the future about the heroic efforts of so many people, inside the legislature and in the grassroots, and what needs to be done next.  For now we take the time to thank everyone for your valiant efforts.  Catholics especially should be proud.  Our active involvement in self-government should not, and will not, be a one-time happening.  We are engaged, and will not go away.  Too much remains at stake.

March 11th Joint Session Account

Notes from the Hill, Massachusetts Catholic Conference

March 17, 2004

Switching metaphors from the culinary (making sausage and jello) to the athletic, two sports topics come to mind when describing the March 11th votes in the legislature on the marriage issue.  New England sports fans know about "backing into the playoffs".  That's when a team loses its last few games of the regular season, yet still makes the playoffs because the other teams in the division keep losing, and lose more often.  Baseball fans may also be familiar with a recent book entitled "Moneyball".  It talks about the new breed of general managers in the major leagues who focus on arcane statistics to govern player acquisitions and on-the-field strategy.  Both provide apt analogies.

Our side hasn't won yet, but the other side has lost more

The joint session of state senators and state representatives spent from 2pm to midnight on March 11th in debate.  Three votes were cast.  The first was a vote to "accept" a proposal by the House and Senate leadership that would reaffirm marriage as the union of a man and a woman while at the same time mandating same-sex civil unions equal to marriage.  This first vote eliminated an amendment by Senator Barrios that would have mandated same-sex marriage.  The second was a vote to "substitute" the leadership's civil union proposal in the place of the Marriage Affirmation & Protection Amendment or MA & PA.  Sadly, this second vote eliminated MA & PA (136 no to 62 yes).

The final vote was to move the leadership proposal to "third reading" (a term taken from the parliamentary process, where the clerk reads a bill for a third time).  This vote was especially critical, because had the proposal not received a majority vote, the process would have stopped then and there.  A majority of the legislators (121 yes to 77 no) voted to send the proposal to third reading, then adjourned until March 29th at 10am.  That's when the final stage of the debate for this year will resume.  At the third reading stage, the legislature must approve a constitutional amendment or the process will stop completely, preventing any amendment from being sent to the voters. 

On all three March 11 votes, especially the second one, defenders of traditional marriage failed to muster a win.  Each time, the "poison pill" civil union mandate was sent further along the trail.  If this proposal somehow gets on the ballot, the Catholic Church could not support it even though it has the marriage part in it.  Yet, at the same time we avoided a premature cut-off of the process.  We are still in the running for the playoffs.  The civil union mandate now can be amended in third reading.  Thus, we could still "back in" with a clean amendment dealing only with marriage.   A word about that in a moment. 

Advocates for same-sex marriage lost big on the third vote, however.   They failed to derail the process.  This vote showed that almost two-thirds of the legislators oppose the Goodridge ruling that mandates same-sex marriage.  Thus, legislators overwhelmingly approve of letting the people vote to overturn Goodridge. 

It is now clear that same-sex marriage advocates in the legislature cannot stop the amendment process by themselves.  Given the circumstances, they will have a difficult time persuading other legislators to join them in that goal.  In effect, they more than likely will "miss the playoffs."

A look at the numbers

In third reading beginning on March 29th, the goal is to amend the leadership civil union proposal in such a way as to provide the voters with a clean, up or down vote on marriage.  Paying attention to the numbers, that is, who voted which way and why, provides some insight about our chances of success.

The Republicans in the House switched their votes en masse to support the leadership proposal on the third vote March 11th even though they opposed the civil union mandate.  That switch provided a necessary margin of victory.  They did so to put themselves in a position to negotiate with the Democratic leadership at the third reading stage.  A look at the numbers reveals that the leadership needs the Republicans in order to get some sort of civil union mandate approved. 

That gives the Republicans leverage to make a demand.  Either make the final constitutional amendment palatable by splitting it into two amendments, one dealing with marriage like the MA & PA, the other dealing with civil unions.   Republicans would promise to support the civil union amendment as well on the grounds that they are "letting the people decide" on both issues.  Or agree instead to adopt the amendment proposed by Rep. Loscocco.  It reaffirms traditional marriage while mandating civil unions without referring to same-sex relationships, and leaves their definition up to the legislature. 

If the Democratic leadership balks, the Republicans would vote no on the current proposal in third reading, killing the whole process, even though they do not support same-sex marriage. 

If nothing is sent to the people, Republicans stand to gain the most.   They can recruit candidates to run against Democrats on the theme that "you denied the people the right to vote, and a fair one at that, on marriage".   Given the intensity of concern about same-sex marriage and judicial overreaching at the grassroots level, there would undoubtedly be more Republicans in the legislature next year.  That prospect might encourage Democratic legislators to urge the leadership to make the deal with the Republicans.

All this points to the possibility, but not the certainty, of ultimate victory.  Getting into the playoffs is not the same as winning them.   Pressure at the grassroots must continue.  We have to send the message:  "Give us a clean vote on marriage--don't force on the people the poison pill of same-sex civil unions". 

The season has been long and hard-fought.  We are all weary.   Yet this is the time for champions to be made.

February 11th Joint Session Account

February 24, 2004

As the old saying goes, it's never pretty to watch sausage, jello, and laws being made. The two days of debate during the constitutional convention in our state legislature was, for many, especially those who don't make it a habit to follow the legislative process, a disappointing and confusing experience. When the joint session was gavelled to a close at midnight Feb. 12, to be resumed at 2 pm on March 11, the question loomed large: after all the hullabaloo, where do we stand with MA & PA?

First, here's what happened procedurally, the bottom line of which is that MA & PA is still alive. Before the joint session even started, Rep. Phil Travis had placed on the calendar, the worksheet, if you will, for the convention, his proposed constitutional amendment, H. 3190, the Marriage Affirmation & Protection Amendment, or MA & PA. Senator Jarrett Barrios then inserted onto the calendar a proposed amendment to Rep. Travis's constitutional Amendment. Sen. Barrios's amendment would gut MA & PA by turning it into a mandate for same-sex marriage. So, when the joint session opened, the first order of business was to deal with Sen. Barrios's proposed amendment substituting his language for Travis's language. Over the two days of debate, three further amendments to be substituted for and to eliminate Sen. Barrios's proposed language were offered, voted on, and defeated, meaning that the issue during the two days was whether to accept an amendment to an amendment to the Amendment! There has not yet been a vote on Barrios's proposal or for that matter on MA & PA itself. Sausage, anyone?

To make matters even more confusing, one of the proposals offered and voted on was submitted by Rep. Travis himself. His proposal was a streamlined version of MA & PA that reaffirmed marriage as only the union between one man and one woman and added a sentence declaring that civil unions were neither required nor prohibited. We'll get to civil unions in a moment. Since Travis's separate proposal was among those defeated, does that mean MA & PA is dead? No. MA & PA is still alive. All of the votes were preliminary skirmishes not dealing with the main question of MA & PA itself. Ultimately, if a constitutional Amendment is approved by the joint session, MA & PA will have to be dealt with. So our message to legislators still remains: vote yes on MA & PA, let the people decide!

Second, let's look at what happened substantively, which revolves around the whole issue of civil unions. Some legislators express concern that MA & PA as presently worded would prevent benefits of any sort, such as health care or housing, from being extended to unmarried persons. This concern is absolutely unfounded.

Other legislators want civil unions to be established as equal to but not identified as marriage, whereby opposite-sex couples would continue to be identified as married while same-sex couples would be treated as married spouses but not given the name of marriage. The Catholic Church cannot support this approach. Marriage is unique and same-sex relationships do not have a moral or biological parity with the opposite-sex union, and thus should not be given a legal parity. Thus we oppose any change to MA & PA that constitutionally mandates that same-sex relationships must be treated as equal to marriage with all the same benefits, no matter what the relationship is called. We have been advised, however, by Rep. Travis that to have any chance at getting a majority of legislators to support Ma & PA, he needs to take out language that legislators fear will prohibit the passage of civil union legislation. Although not desireable, this change to MA & PA is acceptable.

There are other approaches being bandied about that do not constitutionally mandate treating same-sex relationships as equal to marriage. However, these approaches would expressly authorize or require the legislature to establish civil unions. One variation is to define in the Constitution what a civil union would be, and some argue that the Constitution should require that civil unions be constitutionally reserved for same-sex couples. We oppose this variation entirely.

Others argue that it should be left up only to the legislature to define what the term civil union means and what relationships it would include, so no definition would be added to the Constitution. This is the approach being proposed by Rep. Paul Loscocco. It doesn't mandate that civil unions must include or be limited to same-sex couples and delays the civil union debate to another day.  If approval for MA & PA or any similar "marriage only" amendment is not achievable, such as creating two separate amendments to address the issue of marriage separately from civil unions however defined, then the Loscocco approach would be acceptable as well, and certainly far more desireable than no amendment at all.  See also Clarification.

The hunt for a majority vote on MA & PA continues. Legislators have to hear loud and clear that doing nothing at all is to ratify same-sex marriage since the Goodridge decision would then be left unchallenged and might then remain unchallengeable through other means for the near future as a practical matter. Legislators also must continue to hear that it's MA & PA that we want sent to the people. If it becomes absolutely clear that not enough legislators would vote for MA & PA, then the consequences of closing the joint session with no amendment at all would have to be weighed against the dangers posed by the Loscocco approach. By no means are we at that bridge yet, and so MA & PA must remain the focus of our efforts.

Go online to our website at www.macathconf.org for more information or call us at 617-367-6060.

From time to time the Massachusetts Catholic Conference staff will report by email on public policy events of concern to Catholics in Massachusetts. "The Hill" refers to the federal Capital in Washington D.C. and also to the State House in Boston, both of which are located on high ground. The Massachusetts Catholic Conference is the public policy office for the Roman Catholic Church in the Commonwealth, governed directly by the four Bishops serving as episcopal ordinaries of the Archdiocese of Boston, and the Dioceses of Fall River, Springfield, and Worcester. "Notes from the Hill" is not an official statement of the Bishops or MCC. Catholics in the Commonwealth interested in signing up as members of MCC-Net, the legislative alert network for Catholics in Massachusetts may do so online at www.macathconf.org, or by calling the toll-free phone sign-up number of 1-866-367-0558.

Massachusetts Catholic Conference
West End Place, Suite 5
150 Staniford St.
Boston, Massachusetts 02114-2511
(v) 617-367-6060
(f) 617-367-2767
(e) staff@macathconf.org
(w) http://www.macathconf.org
 
Glory to God